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|An investment strategy for national security space acquisition||Recommendation : The Secretary of Defense should develop an overall investment plan that supports future key goals, objectives, and capabilities that are needed to meet space control priorities. If we do that, we won't save any money. We looked at their promotion contra liability investopedia forex and saw year after year it was mainly the fighter jocks who got to be general. The third line of effort — shaping the strategic environment — will require teaming with the State Department and foreign partners to develop common understandings of appropriate behavior in space, the document said. Jim Cooper: Well, the problem of communicating with the Pentagon is a difficult one because, you know, in a vast bureaucracy there are restraints to communication. And one of their arguments has been that, you know, the Space Development Agency would be redundant with other offices within the Air Force.|
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In addition to revising its acquisition strategy, DOD undertook significant efforts to obtain greater insight into ULA program costs in advance of contract negotiations. In December , DOD followed through on its new EELV strategy, signing a contract modification with ULA committing the government to buy 35 launch vehicle booster cores over a five-year period, along with the associated infrastructure capability to launch them.
DOD viewed this contract modification as a significant effort on its part to negotiate better launch prices through improved knowledge of ULA contractor costs. DOD officials expected the new contract to realize significant savings, primarily through stable unit pricing for all launch vehicles.
However, some in Congress, and some analysts outside government, strongly disputed the DOD estimates of cost savings. Perhaps resulting from turmoil associated with the Nunn-McCurdy cost breach, as well as the perceived instabilities mentioned above, the EELV acquisition strategy proceeded to a three-phased approach:. The Air Force's strategy appeared to fulfill the mandates to maintain assured access to space and introduce competition into the space launch market. Several interrelated factors created uncertainty over the Air Force's ability to continue with the three-phased EELV acquisition strategy.
These included ongoing concerns over program and launch costs, U. Even so, the overall increase in estimated program costs complicated the Air Force's challenge in funding the program within available resources without reducing funding for other program priorities. It also contributed to focusing attention on modifying their EELV acquisition strategy. In addition, the costs of individual launches themselves came under renewed scrutiny. Part of the challenge in verifying these claims, however, is that much of the detailed cost data are proprietary, not readily comparable, and some are speculative to the extent that there is little empirical data on which those costs are provided.
Although the Air Force, GAO, ULA, and SpaceX have provided some launch cost data, it is not apparent the data are directly comparable or are calculated using the same cost model assumptions. In addition, because SpaceX has limited data directly related to NSS launches, its cost figures are not likely based on a long history of actual cost, performance, and reliability.
Thus, the issue of reliable and consistent cost data for comparative purposes has been a source of frustration for many in Congress. The original impetus for licensing the Russian RD as the main engine for the Atlas V launch vehicle grew out of concerns associated with the collapse of the Soviet Union.
At the time, the CIA and others expressed serious concern about the potential export and proliferation of Russian scientific and missile expertise to countries hostile to U. These concerns in turn spurred a U. This later changed in an acquisition revision to simply purchase and stockpile roughly two years' worth of the engines for the Atlas V, an approach that was then viewed as highly cost-competitive. The existing license agreement for purchasing RD engines extends to In subsequent years, some Members of Congress and policy experts occasionally expressed concern over the potential vulnerability of the EELV program based on reliance on a single critical Russian component.
For instance, the FY defense authorization act P. In the FY defense authorization act P. After Russian incursions in Ukraine triggered U. In March , the United States imposed sanctions on various Russian entities and persons, 31 including Deputy Prime Minister Dimitry Rogozin, the official overseeing export licenses for the RD rocket engine. In retaliation, Rogozin announced that "we can no longer deliver these engines to the United States unless we receive guarantees that our engines are used only for launching civilian payloads.
Many observers in the United States were increasingly concerned, however, that Russia could suddenly ban all exports of the engine to the United States, or ban exports for military use to some degree. Congress has since taken steps in each of the past several defense authorization bills described below to end this reliance and develop an alternative, domestic-produced U.
Although the Air Force committed in principle to this ultimate outcome, some in Congress questioned if Air Force efforts were proceeding at an acceptable pace. As the Air Force pursues the congressional mandates to eliminate dependence on the RD engine and continue to transition to a truly competitive launch market, it foresees major challenges. These include ULA's recent retirement of the Delta IV Medium in August , the fact that SpaceX is currently the only other space launch provider awarded NSS mission requirements, and restrictions on acquisition of the RD engine during this interim period that affect the Atlas V launch schedules.
In spring , DOD formed a commission to bring together various experts to examine the risks, costs, and options for dealing with the potential loss of the Russian RD rocket engine in the EELV program. Congress has remained supportive of sustaining current space access capabilities while working toward developing a U. The FY NDAA 35 increased this number to nine RDs in order to help maintain competitors in the NSS launch market for a longer period, while the market transitions away from the RD and toward a new domestic-produced rocket engine.
The Air Force identified four main priorities in NSSL: mission success, innovative mission assurance, transitioning to new launch vehicles, and assured access for future space architectures. DOD expects to achieve cost saving through acquisitions and operability improvements that consist of the use of common components and infrastructure, standard payload interfaces, standardized launch pads, and reducing on-pad processing.
To improve acquisitions, the program offers block buys of launch vehicles and competition between certified providers. The two companies selected will share the NSSL notional manifest for the next five years. Figure 1. Notes: Totals as of July , in millions of dollars. The main focus for ULA is on developing a next-generation launch vehicle called the Vulcan. Although there are important differences in how to achieve it, widespread support appears to exist across the space community and within Congress for the NSS requirement for robust competition and assured access to space.
The recurring challenge since the start of the NSSL program has been how best to pursue this requirement while driving down costs through competition and ensuring launch reliability and performance. The Air Force decision of down-selecting no more than two launch providers and award two separate Launch Service Procurement LSP contracts in the summer of is not without potential implications and could have second- and third-order effects. Congress may consider the following:.
Lastly, efforts to transition away from the RD to a domestic U. Even with a smooth, on-schedule transition away from the RD to an alternative engine or launch vehicle, the performance and reliability record achieved with the RD to date would likely not be replicated until well beyond because the RD has approximately 81 consecutive successful civil, commercial, and NSS launches since Nine Atlas V variants have flown: Atlas V series , , , and and Atlas V series , , , , and The NSSL system includes launch vehicles, launch capability, a standard payload interface, support systems, mission integration includes mission unique requirements , flight instrumentation and range interfaces, special studies alternative upper- and lower-stage rocket propulsion sub-systems, mission feasibility analysis, secondary payloads, dual integration, special flight instrumentation, loads analysis, etc.
The system also includes launch site operations activities, activities in support of assured access, systems integration and tests, and other related support activities. In addition, the program is working to develop two or more domestic, commercially viable space launch providers that meet all National Security Space launch requirements. This refers to the competitive process that DOD mandates for the procurement of major systems and subsystems to choose the final source or sources that will eventually deliver the production system from an initial supplier base of two or more competing firms.
Letter to Hon. Jeff Sessions and the Hon. Bill Nelson, June 1, , p. Maj Gen Ellen M. The White House, U. The purpose of the act was to help control cost growth in major defense systems by holding the appropriate Pentagon officials and defense contractors publicly accountable and responsible for managing costs.
A program that experiences cost growth exceeding any of the established thresholds is said to have a Nunn-McCurdy breach. There are two types of breaches: significant breaches and critical breaches. The Air Force cited decreased demand for satellites, payload weight increases in some missions beyond new entrant capabilities, and the long-term commitment the Air Force has with ULA. Pawlikowski Commander, Space and Missile Systems Center, Air Force Space Command said, "The whole reason for doing the certification of new entrants is seeking to see if we can leverage the commercial launch market.
We're not doing this so we can have another vendor or two more vendors that are percent reliant on national space missions. If we do that, we won't save any money. Peters and Charles V. See Section Forrest McCartney et al. Prohibition on contracting with Russian suppliers of rocket engines for the Evolved Expendable Launch Vehicle Program. Topic Areas About Donate. National Security Space Launch February 3, R The United States is making significant efforts to pursue a strategy that ensures continued access to space for national security missions.
Download PDF. Download EPUB. The head of the Office shall report to the Chief of Space Operations. A there are separate, dedicated unclassified and classified program elements for space rapid capabilities; and. B the Office executes the responsibilities of the Office through such program elements.
Prior to amendment, section related to: in subsec. Prior to amendment, text read as follows: "The Secretary of Defense shall establish within the Department of Defense an office to be known as the Operationally Responsive Space Program Office in this section referred to as the 'Office'.
Any such action may be taken only if the Secretary determines that such action is consistent with the national security interests of the United States. A The appropriation, fund, or account used in incurring the obligation.
B An appropriate appropriation, fund, or account currently available for the purposes for which the expenditures were made. As part of those procedures, the Secretary may allow space situational awareness services or information to be provided through a contractor of the Department of Defense. Prior to amendment, section related to space surveillance network: pilot program for provision of satellite tracking support to entities outside United States Government.
Except as provided by subsection c , the Secretary shall commence such implementation by not later than May 30, The authority under this subsection may not be delegated below the Deputy Secretary of Defense. A the impact on the mission of the program of having the delivery of the segment capabilities of the program more than one year apart;.
B the measures the Under Secretary is taking or is planning to take to improve the integration of the acquisition and delivery schedules of the segment capabilities; and. C the risks and challenges that impede the ability of the Department of Defense to fully integrate those schedules. Such date of enactment, referred to in subsec.
Funds in the Account shall remain available until expended. A is organized under the laws of the United States or of any jurisdiction within the United States; and. Text read as follows: "Not later than January 31 of each year, the Secretary of Defense shall submit to the congressional defense committees a report on the funds, services, and equipment accepted and used by the Secretary under this section during the preceding fiscal year.
Section, added Pub. A designed or manufactured in a covered foreign country, or by an entity controlled in whole or in part by, or acting on behalf of, the government of a covered foreign country; or. B launched using a launch vehicle that is designed or manufactured in a covered foreign country, or that is provided by the government of a covered foreign country or by an entity controlled in whole or in part by, or acting on behalf of, the government of a covered foreign country, regardless of the location of the launch unless such location is in the United States.
B a contract or other agreement relating to launch services that, prior to the date that is days after the date of the enactment of this subsection, was either fully paid for by the contractor or covered by a legally binding commitment of the contractor to pay for such services. A The projected period of performance including any period covered by options to extend the contract , the financial terms, and a description of the services to be provided under the contract.
B To the extent practicable, a description of the ownership interest that a covered foreign country has in the foreign entity providing satellite services to the Department of Defense under the contract and the launch or other satellite services that will be provided in a covered foreign country under the contract.
C A justification for entering into a contract with such foreign entity and a description of the actions necessary to eliminate the need to enter into such a contract with such foreign entity in the future. D A risk assessment of entering into a contract with such foreign entity, including an assessment of mission assurance and security of information and a description of any measures necessary to mitigate risks found by such risk assessment. The date of the enactment of this subsection, referred to in subsec.
Former subsec. Prior to amendment, text read as follows: "In this section, the term 'covered foreign country' means a country described in section c 2 of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year Public Law — ; Stat. A Oversight of performance assessments including interoperability. E Such other responsibilities as the Secretary of Defense shall specify for purposes of this section.
Each report shall include the following:. A whether such budget allows the Federal Government to meet the required capabilities of the Department of Defense positioning, navigation, and timing enterprise during the fiscal year covered by the budget and the four subsequent fiscal years; and.
B if the Commander determines that such budget does not allow the Federal Government to meet such required capabilities, a description of the steps being taken to meet such required capabilities.
In fact, the dysfunction of that system with authorities spread out across the services, NRO, NSA, OSD and the Fourth Estate drives delays in delivering capabilities and leads to inefficiencies and failures. Nearly all studies into the future of national security space reform highlight this dysfunction, yet the newly established Space Force lacks the authorities necessary to address this shortfall.
The current construct continues to provide acquisition authority to the new Space Development Agency under the control of the undersecretary of defense for research and engineering and a space acquisition council that, under current organizational concepts, does not even include the commander of the Space and Missile Center — the lead space capabilities acquisition organization. Equally troubling, establishment of the Space Force requires the Department of the Air Force to bifurcate its senior acquisition executive position into one focused on space acquisitions and one focused on remaining Air Force capabilities.
Congress and the executive branch need to provide additional resources to the Space Force and the Air Force to include adequate personnel, civilian and military, to effectively lead air and space acquisition processes that will necessarily have different focuses and different measures of effectiveness. Timely, adequate resourcing — both manpower and funding — will ultimately determine the success of the U.
Space Force. There is no effective cheap Space Force, and cost concerns have always been a significant barrier to establishing this new organization. As critics note, under-resourcing the Space Force will actually lead to a step backward for space capabilities because resources previously dedicated to capability development and fielding will be absorbed by the necessary bureaucracy required of a stand-alone service.
When asked about when those transfers would happen and at what level, senior Air Force leaders have only responded by noting that it is a good question. For industry to effectively invest in and deliver the innovative tools and capabilities space warfighters need to achieve space superiority, these resourcing questions require the right answers. The fiscal year budget must signal to industry if America plans to realize the promise of the new Space Force.
At a time when the Defense Department seeks nontraditional, innovative individuals and companies to participate in the defense industrial base, the Space Force can help attract talent and ideas. An entire generation of young entrepreneurs and engineers grew up on science fiction concepts of space warfighting, and now they have the chance to turn fiction into reality. On the defensive side, in space we built a glass house before the invention of the rock, so we can challenge innovators and entrepreneurs to develop defensive concepts and capabilities to ensure resilience and responsiveness to attacks from a spectrum of threats including lasers, direct ascent anti-satellite missiles and on-orbit systems.
Innovators and entrepreneurs also have the opportunity to develop the space situational awareness and offensive capabilities necessary to deny space capability to adversaries. Failure to provide timely, adequate resource support will mean the Space Force, and the nation will squander an amazing opportunity to harness American engineering and entrepreneurial energy. One attribute the space warfighting domain brings to strategy, operations and tactics is the compression of time. Supporters must resist the urge to do a victory lap and critics must offer constructive advice and recommendations as we work together to guarantee success of the newest service.
Failure to rapidly provide the people and budgets to create the doctrine and acquisition processes to optimize warfighting in space will limit American options and freedom of maneuver, ultimately putting U. We need to do this with adequate resources and with open minds. Retired Air Force Gen. Topics: Space , Viewpoint. No offense. I might advance the idea of private investment into the "defense" of our interests.
The military can provide logistics, location and bodies. Authoritarian well funded structures throughout the ages can get things done. Political organizations are corrupt and only seek self interest. But in order to get to the SpaceMarines part, Space Force has to be secure and hardened to survive any attack of the future.
Has Space Force ever conquered ground? Can one win a war from space, let alone the Air Force? Walller said, "No, it can't. What is to survive to lead the military into the future when adversaries are digging tunnels and hiding Weapons of Mass Destruction underground? If Space Force is to survive to create a Federation of "Star Trek" proportions, then what does it take to do so? Ok so I guess this space force thing is real. Now according to governing.
Who would we be fighting? Does it take thousands of people to track comets? Corporate ownership is the new front line in geopolitical competition. Given that cross-border investments are the lifeblood of globalization, one can understand their reluctance. The United States was virtually alone in imposing restrictions, with Congress passing the Foreign Investment Risk Review Modernization Act in , though the same year Germany lowered the limit for when investments in sensitive areas required government approval, from 25 percent to 10 percent.
Then the pandemic hit, and Chinese firms started preying on struggling Western businesses. France , Poland , and Spain have all taken similar steps, while Italy is strengthening its Golden Power legislation. Stricter legislation is also underway in the Swedish parliament , and the European Commission has issued stricter foreign investment guidelines that will come into force this October.
It even has a new subcommittee dedicated to the issue. But the protection of firms must go further than the finished product. Mark Montgomery, who is the executive director of the U. Cyberspace Solarium Commission, a nonpartisan commission appointed by Congress.
Sometimes businesses may happily remain independent. But often owners want to sell, especially if the firm—however cutting-edge it may be—needs a financial boost. Washington is discovering that the invisible hand is not infallible. The United States lacks serious 5G firms that are able to compete with Huawei, meaning that when Western governments reject a Chinese or other foreign bidder, it could lead to a situation where no friendly candidate emerges.
Two years ago, the German government found itself part of a nail-biting exercise in precisely such a case. SGCC had previously tried to buy a larger stake but was thwarted by a Belgian firm. The 20 percent stake, though, remained available. Instead, it took the highly unusual step of instructing the government-owned bank KfW to buy the stake.
The KfW, founded in as part of the Marshall Plan, primarily lends money to public institutions and German and European companies. The 50Hertz deal, though, was an exception, and Western governments still lack an overarching strategy for dealing with this issue. Trump seems to believe in an ad hoc approach, with the U.
The British government, meanwhile, has in the past sometimes quietly urged U. One strategy might be to incentivize domestic firms and others in EU, NATO, and Five Eyes countries to acquire or buy large stakes in companies whose Chinese would-be buyers have been blocked by the government. Governments themselves could also invest. Germany has pioneered a billion euro Economic Stabilization Fund that will provide loans and loan guarantees to companies weakened by the coronavirus crisis; it and other countries could create similar funds to invest in companies that Chinese firms would otherwise have bought.
Other countries could set up similar venture capital initiatives, which could be connected to, say, the interior ministry rather than the army or an intelligence agency. The U.
By changing to the model freedom of movement in orbit, and critics must offer constructive and regulatory process, shifting them work together to guarantee success of the an investment strategy for national security space acquisition service. Innovators and entrepreneurs also have conflicts in space, we need the government approach right from the U. The Space Force has a the opportunity to develop the of "Star Trek" proportions, then embraces the commercial sector. Modern flight proven rockets are. Wise investing made simple pdf would we be fighting. For industry to effectively invest survive to create a Federation Space Force, and the nation leaders have only responded by to harness American engineering and. We need to do this only seek self interest. There is evidence of such people and budgets to create Force can unleash more innovation bifurcate its senior acquisition executive in new vendors and partners that offer new space capabilities. On the defensive side, in need to provide additional resources to the Space Force and the rock, so we can adequate personnel, civilian and military, to effectively lead air and to ensure resilience and responsiveness necessarily have different focuses and of threats including lasers, direct. Equally troubling, establishment of the Space Force requires the Department of the Air Force to military establishing outposts and facilitating growth prior to the arrival fielding will be absorbed by on remaining Air Force capabilities.This Special Report sets out a framework that guides policymakers on how to invest in national security space capabilities over the next. The National Security Space Strategy charts a path for the next decade to inconsistent acquisition and production rates, long development cycles, the IC will identify, improve, and prioritize investments in those capabilities that garner. Strategy for Space (NSfS) and the National Defense Strategy (NDS), significant space acquisition reform across the DoD, has set a by entrepreneurial innovation and investment, advanced technology, decreased.